Saudi Arabia has now admitted that Jamal Khashoggi was murdered in the
Saudi consulate in Istanbul on October 2. The story: He was killed in a
fist fight with 15 intelligence officials sent to interrogate him – a
claim that is implausible and would not be exculpatory even if true.
Americans are rightfully angry and rightfully mortified by the Trump administration’s limp response, with President Trump repeating the King’s and Crown Prince’s “very strong” and total denials of foreknowledge and responsibility. On Friday night, he reportedly told reporters, “Well, I think it’s a good first step. It’s a big step. There’s a lot of people involved.” When asked if he found the Saudi explanation credible, he responded: “I do.”
Khashoggi’s murder demands a meaningful response from the United States. Washington has a responsibility to stand up for U.S. residents—Khashoggi, a longtime journalist, was living in Virginia—and an interest in standing up for the free press. But sanctions are a lazy and inadequate answer. Instead, the U.S. needs to distance itself from reckless Saudi policies. President Trump has tools to do so. If he does not use them, it’s time for Congress to step up to the plate.
The bottom line: Sanctions will not work. Here are four things the U.S. should do instead:
Stop supporting the Saudi war in Yemen. The war in Yemen is where the Saudis are most exposed to U.S. leverage. It has been a senseless catastrophe. Ten thousand people have been killed and millions displaced, and it might lead to the worst famine in a century. The U.S. has, appallingly, provided direct support to Saudi Arabia under both Presidents Trump and Obama. Washington should take the opportunity to undo this awful complicity by withdrawing logistical and intelligence support.
Step back from the Saudi-Iran regional conflict. Trump has an opportunity to rebalance his regional policy in the coming weeks. Post-nuclear deal sanctions come back in full force on November 4, but the administration has remained vague or contradictory on important details, such as whether it will grant sanctions exemptions for some oil sales or how it will work to make allowed humanitarian trade practical. By taking modestly less aggressive positions in the coming weeks, the U.S. could distance itself from another example of aggressive Saudi policy and reduce U.S. dependence on the Saudis for stabilizing oil markets as Iranian exports are reduced. A more moderate line would have ancillary benefits, as well, such as minimizing friction with European and Asian allies and reducing the harm done to Iranian civilians.
Limit military cooperation. The relationship between the U.S. and Saudi security services is important and should not be severed, but it can be cooled. Arms sales can be more carefully scrutinized. Trump’s claims that this would damage the U.S. economy are silly – the Saudis bought about $9 billion in U.S. arms from 2013-17, during which time U.S. economic output exceeded $90 trillion. Just as importantly, the U.S. should independently identify the security units responsible for the Khashoggi murder and ensure that they are subject to strict vetting in line with so-called Leahy standards, which bar assistance to foreign military units credibly implicated in gross human rights violations.
Distance America from Mohammed bin Salman’s excesses. The U.S. may not have a Saudi problem so much as it has a Mohammed bin Salman problem. Saudi Arabia’s crown prince is said to be calling the shots in Riyadh, but he is proving to be as brutal as he is reckless. Unfortunatey, Trump and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo made limiting the problem in that way much more difficult with their gushing embrace of the crown prince this week. It is still possible, though, to marginalize him by insisting on working through the king and other officials.
Here’s the bad news: President Trump has given no indication that he’s interested in anything close to this level of accountability for Saudi Arabia.
But Congress has options. Lawmakers can use their appropriations power to restrict U.S. support to the war in Yemen, withhold permission for arms sales, and exercise their atrophied oversight muscles on other security cooperation.
Hopefully the bunch of "weaklings", from both parties in the Congress and the Senate will act forcefully against these Saudi spineless hoodlums.
Read more: How to Punish Saudi Arabia - POLITICO Magazine
Americans are rightfully angry and rightfully mortified by the Trump administration’s limp response, with President Trump repeating the King’s and Crown Prince’s “very strong” and total denials of foreknowledge and responsibility. On Friday night, he reportedly told reporters, “Well, I think it’s a good first step. It’s a big step. There’s a lot of people involved.” When asked if he found the Saudi explanation credible, he responded: “I do.”
Khashoggi’s murder demands a meaningful response from the United States. Washington has a responsibility to stand up for U.S. residents—Khashoggi, a longtime journalist, was living in Virginia—and an interest in standing up for the free press. But sanctions are a lazy and inadequate answer. Instead, the U.S. needs to distance itself from reckless Saudi policies. President Trump has tools to do so. If he does not use them, it’s time for Congress to step up to the plate.
The bottom line: Sanctions will not work. Here are four things the U.S. should do instead:
Stop supporting the Saudi war in Yemen. The war in Yemen is where the Saudis are most exposed to U.S. leverage. It has been a senseless catastrophe. Ten thousand people have been killed and millions displaced, and it might lead to the worst famine in a century. The U.S. has, appallingly, provided direct support to Saudi Arabia under both Presidents Trump and Obama. Washington should take the opportunity to undo this awful complicity by withdrawing logistical and intelligence support.
Step back from the Saudi-Iran regional conflict. Trump has an opportunity to rebalance his regional policy in the coming weeks. Post-nuclear deal sanctions come back in full force on November 4, but the administration has remained vague or contradictory on important details, such as whether it will grant sanctions exemptions for some oil sales or how it will work to make allowed humanitarian trade practical. By taking modestly less aggressive positions in the coming weeks, the U.S. could distance itself from another example of aggressive Saudi policy and reduce U.S. dependence on the Saudis for stabilizing oil markets as Iranian exports are reduced. A more moderate line would have ancillary benefits, as well, such as minimizing friction with European and Asian allies and reducing the harm done to Iranian civilians.
Limit military cooperation. The relationship between the U.S. and Saudi security services is important and should not be severed, but it can be cooled. Arms sales can be more carefully scrutinized. Trump’s claims that this would damage the U.S. economy are silly – the Saudis bought about $9 billion in U.S. arms from 2013-17, during which time U.S. economic output exceeded $90 trillion. Just as importantly, the U.S. should independently identify the security units responsible for the Khashoggi murder and ensure that they are subject to strict vetting in line with so-called Leahy standards, which bar assistance to foreign military units credibly implicated in gross human rights violations.
Distance America from Mohammed bin Salman’s excesses. The U.S. may not have a Saudi problem so much as it has a Mohammed bin Salman problem. Saudi Arabia’s crown prince is said to be calling the shots in Riyadh, but he is proving to be as brutal as he is reckless. Unfortunatey, Trump and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo made limiting the problem in that way much more difficult with their gushing embrace of the crown prince this week. It is still possible, though, to marginalize him by insisting on working through the king and other officials.
Here’s the bad news: President Trump has given no indication that he’s interested in anything close to this level of accountability for Saudi Arabia.
But Congress has options. Lawmakers can use their appropriations power to restrict U.S. support to the war in Yemen, withhold permission for arms sales, and exercise their atrophied oversight muscles on other security cooperation.
Hopefully the bunch of "weaklings", from both parties in the Congress and the Senate will act forcefully against these Saudi spineless hoodlums.
Read more: How to Punish Saudi Arabia - POLITICO Magazine
No comments:
Post a Comment