One month on from U.S. President Donald Trump’s
last-minute non-bombing of Iran, tensions in the Persian Gulf have
escalated even further and his administration’s strategy for dealing
with Iran is less clear than ever.
Trump now faces critical challenges
within his own party and his own administration to both sides of the
carrot-and-stick dynamic he hopes will achieve a nuclear and ballistic
missile-neutered Iran: military force and negotiations with Tehran.
Confidence at home in Trump’s leadership on Iran
suffered a major bipartisan rebuke this month, when the U.S. House of
Representatives passed legislation to block Trump from waging war with
Iran without Congressional approval.
Republican
leaders in the Senate, who are likely to kill the amendment (repeating a
similar effort in June), slammed the move as signalling to Tehran that the United States is divided. They fear that could potentially weaken Trump’s position in any future negotiations with Iran.
Meanwhile, the list of hostile incidents between Iran and the U.S. and
its allies is lengthening. Iran seized two British oil tankers in the
Gulf, eventually releasing one, a day after Trump said the U.S.
destroyed an Iranian drone in the Gulf - a claim that Tehran immediately
denied. In June, Iran shot down a U.S. Navy drone in the same area.
That act prompted Trump to authorize a military
strike on Iran, only to call it off at the last moment, despite being,
in his own words, "cocked and loaded" - because the estimated death toll
of 150 Iranians was "not proportionate to shooting down an unmanned
drone."
Critics
derided Trump’s hesitation to take action as analogous to former
President Barack Obama’s inaction after Syria’s Bashar Assad crossed the
president’s much-hyped "red line" and used chemical weapons against
civilians and opposition forces.
Trump is being squeezed between his
bombastic rhetoric, having vowed to "end Iran" if they attack the U.S.
or its allies in the region, and his lack of action in response to
serial Iranian aggression.
Trump has scored one minor victory: Iran has
offered, for the first time, to enter negotiations on its ballistic
missile program. However, they are demanding a quid pro quo that
Trump would be loathe to offer: a commitment from the U.S. to stop
selling weapons to Saudi Arabia and the UAE - a policy which has been
roundly rebuked by both Democrats and Republicans in Congress because of
their use in the devastating civil war in Yemen.
Trump has also been playing around with
the officials tasked with the Iran file. At the end of last week, Trump
confirmed that he gave Republican Senator Rand Paul, a staunch
isolationist, a green light to negotiate with Iran.
Paul, son of libertarian lion Ron Paul, is a strange character to add to
the White House mix deciding Iran policy: both National Security
Adviser John Bolton and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo are known as
longtime Iran hawks. Bolton once even penned a New York Times op-ed entitled, "To Stop Iran’s Bomb, Bomb Iran."
Trump has boxed himself in between establishment GOP hawks and a growing, more isolationist faction within the party. The divide between Rand Paul and John Bolton, or Tucker Carlson and Mike Pompeo, perfectly illustrates that when it comes to war/no war with Iran, none of Trump’s choices are good choices. None will bolster his credibility with all wings of the GOP, his White House staff or the international community, which is watching with mounting concern.
Trump has boxed himself in between establishment GOP hawks and a growing, more isolationist faction within the party. The divide between Rand Paul and John Bolton, or Tucker Carlson and Mike Pompeo, perfectly illustrates that when it comes to war/no war with Iran, none of Trump’s choices are good choices. None will bolster his credibility with all wings of the GOP, his White House staff or the international community, which is watching with mounting concern.
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